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Printed  by  the  BEPUBLICAN  STATE  CENTBAL  COMMITTEE  of  California. 

Campaign  Document  No.  8. 


SPEECH 


BY 


HARVEY  S.BJIOWN,  of  San  Francisco. 


CALIFORNIA   AND    THE    DEMOCRACY. 


MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  A  few 
week-?  ,-siace,  before  the  Republican  Central  Club 
of  this  city  and  county,  I,  among  other  things, 
sought  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  day  was  not  that  great  and  glorious 
party  of  the  past, — but  had  become  sectional, 
aristocratical,  and  no  longer  the  party  of  the 
people.  For  centuries  past  throughout  the  earth 
a  continual  contest  has  been  going,  on  between 
the  few  and  the  many.  At  some  periods  and  lo 
calities  it  has  been  a  war  between  the  crown  and 
the  people  ; — in  others,  as  now  in  England,  a 
contest  between  the  titled  nobility  and  the  mass 
es.  Our  own  country  is  not  at  all  singular  in 
this  respect.  At  the  inception  of  our  govern 
ment  the  country  was  divided  into  two  great 
parties  :  one,  the  Republican,  under  the  leader 
ship  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  insisted  that  the  aim  of 
all  governments  should  be  to  secure  "  the  great 
est  good  to  the  greatest  number  ;  "  the  other, 
under  that  brilliant  leader,  Alexander  Hamilton, 
too  much  overlooking  the  wants  of  the  governed, 
and  dazzled  by  the  pomp  and  splendor  of  a 
strong  government,  strenuously  insisted  for  the 
rights  of  the  governors.  It  would  be  a  work  of 
supererrogation  to  say  more  than  that  this  was 
the  same  old  contest,  and  that  the  people  tri 
umphed. 

From  that  day  until  within  the  last  decade  the 
masses  have  been  steadily  advancing,  when  sud 
denly  and  unexpectedly  they  find  themselves  baf 
fled  and  disappointed — their  wishes  thwarted  by 
that  party  which  claims  to  be  the  lineal  descend 
ant  of  the  old  Republican  party.  Upon  exam 
ining  the  legislation  of  that  party,  they  find  that 
it  has  departed  from  its  course,  has  thrown  away 
the  good  old  Jeffersonian  and  Jacksonian  charts, 
and  now,  instead  of  seeking  how  best  to  pro 
mote  the  welfare  of  the  white  man,  is  wholly  oc 
cupied  in  perpetuating  the  enslavement  of  black 
men  and  the  debasement  of  white  labor. 

Their  leaders  also  proclaim,  in  their  speeches 
and  writings,  new  and  startling  doctrines,  to  wit : 
that  the  free  white  men  of  the  North,  who  earn 
their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows — who 
toil  with  their  hands  from  "  early  morn  to  dewy 
eve"  —  are  "mudsills,"  "white  slaves."  Re 
member  this,  ye  toiling  millions!  wherever  your 


birth-place — whether  in  the  sunny  South  or  frig 
id  North  !  Be  ye  laborers  born  in  Erin  or  Italy, 
in  France  or  Germany,  or  in  whatever  other  spot 
on  the  face  of  the  globe,  remember  that  this  is 
the  doctrine  of  some  of  the  High  Priests  in  the 
temple  of  modern  Democracy.  Are  you  willing 
longer  to  perpetuate  the  power  of  those  who  call 
you  names — "  white  slaves  "  ? 

Look  at  the  acts  of  the  present  Administra 
tion  during  the  past  four  years,  and  what  has  it 
done  but  howl  nigger,  nigger,  eternal  nigger? 
Do  a  free  people  adopt  a  Constitution  and  ask 
admission  into  the  Union  as  a  sovereign  State, 
they  are  excluded  because  they  have  no  niggers. 
Do  we  ask  a  railroad  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  we  cannot  obtain  it  because  it  would  be 
unhealthy  for  niggers.  Do  we  ask  a  daily  over 
land  mail,  it  is  refused  because  it  in  no  way  ad 
vances  niggers.  Do  we  ask  that  a  gift  of  one 
hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  public  land  be  made 
to  every  citizen,  or  foreigner  who  has  declared 
his  intention  to  become  such,  who  desires  a 
homestead,  it  is  indignantly  and  peremptorily 
refused  because  it  is  wanted  for  the  use  of  nig 
gers,— because  these  measures  do  not  please  the 
350,000  slaveholders  who  constitute  the  aristo 
cratic  Democracy — Democratic  Senates  and  De 
mocratic  Administrations  oppose  them. 

Why  should  a  Californian  vote  for  a  Demo 
cratic  nominee  for  the  Presidency?  What  is  he 
or  the  State  to  gain  by  so  doing  ?  Are  you  in 
favor  of  the  railroad?  Do  you  want  a  daily 
overland  mail  ?  Do  you  want  a  homestead  as  a 
gift,  or  do  you  prefer  to  buy  it  ?  I  address  you, 
laboring  men!  You,  heads  of  families!  You, 
Germans,  Irishmen,  Frenchmen,  Italians !  I  ad 
dress  you  all — white  men  of  every  clime  !  Are 
you  aware  that  a  homestead  bill  has  thrice  passed 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  been  as  many 
times  killed  by  a  Democratic  Senate  ?  Are  you 
aware  that  your  Democratic  President,  James 
Buchanan,  during  the  last  session  of  Congress, 
vetoed  the  Homestead  Bill  and  took  from  you, 
and  you,  sir — all  of  you — every  voter  in  Califor 
nia — a  home  of  160  acres  of  !and  ? 

Go  listen  to  Democratic  orators — go  read  their 
papers  and  documents  ;  you  hear  about  niggers, 
read  about  niggers,  until  the  eye  and  ear  are 


•"728-2. 


weary,  but  not  one  word  of  free  homes.  The 
very  words  nauseate  a  Breckinridge  man.  and 
words  in  favor  of  it  in  the  mouth  of  a  Douglas 
man  would  Mister  the  tongue,  if  there  is  any 
truth  in  the  old  saying,  that  "lies  make  a  sore 
]••."  What!  Democrats  ask  for  poor  men's 
vhcnthey  take  from  them  /n»nfxtt'<id.«.n/i(I  call  {hem 
.'  Democracy,  as  you  see,  my  friends, 
ha-  been  a  costly  institution  to  California.  Now 
what  think  you  would  be  the  cash  gain  to  Cali 
fornia  should  Kepnblican  measures  lie  carried 
out?  Pass  the  Homestead  Bill,  and  23,500,000 
-  of  land  could  be  immmediatcly  divided 
among  the  citizens  of  this  State,  free  of  cost. 
This  would  make  146,875  homesteads  of  160 
acres  each.  Under  the  present  law,  to  preempt 
it  would  cost  one  dollar  and  a  quarter  per  acre, 
which  would  amount  to  $29,375,000.  This  one 
measure  would  give  to  the  people  of  California 
this  enormous  amount.  Pass  the  Railroad  Bill, 
and  it  would  be  necessary  to  expend  at  least 
$20  000.000  here  in  this  State.  The  value  of  the 
able  real  estate  and  the  improvements 
thereon  in  this  State,  as  assessed,  is  over,  but  we 
will  call  it  $80,000,000.  The  construction  of  this 
road  would  enhance  the  aggregate  value  of  this 
property  at  least  fifty  per  cent.  This  would 
make  a  gain  to  the  State  of  840,000.000  more. 
The  146,875  homesteads  would  increase  in  value 
more  than  100  per  cent.  ;  but  call  it  fifty  per 
cent.  This  would  make  5 14,685.500  more.  There 
is  no  loss,  but  all  is  profit.  Now-  let  us  see  the 
net  profits : — 

Cr.    By  146,875  Homesteads, $29,375,000 

"   cash  spent  in  Cal.  in  construct 
ing  railroad 20,000,000 

"   50  per  ct.  increase  on  value  of 

real  estate  now  assessed, . . .  40,000.000 
"   60  per  ct.  addition  to  value  of 

146,875  homesteads, 14,685,500 


Aggregate  cash  profits  to  California,$104,062,500 

Making  the  aggregate  giin  to  the  State  of  California. 
in  dollars  and  cents,  by  the  carrying  out  of  Republican 
principles,  the  enormous  sum  of  one  hundred  and  four 
millions,  sixty-two  thousand  and  five  hundred  dollars 
— a  sum  exceeding  the  estimated  cost  of  building  the 
entire  road  !  And  yet  this  is  jo  a  tithe  of  the 
ings  that  would  roll  in  apo^  us.  Think  of 
those  146.000  happy  homes — the  hearts  made 
glad  —  the  widows  shelter — the  orphans  sup 
port.  What  say  you,  fellow-citizens — "nig- 
gersfor  the  niggerlees,"  or  "  homes  for  the  home 
less''?  Besides,  pass  this  Republican  measure. 
and  it  would  furnish  employment  to  tens  of 
thousands  of  laborers — not  "  white  slaves,"  but 
freemen — voters  —  sovereigns — equals  of  those 
lordly,  democratic  nabobs.  Ponder,  voters ! 
laborers,  tarry  a  moment — sailors  arid  boatmen, 
furl  the  sails  and  lay  aside  the  oars — farmers, 
leave  the  plow  in  the  furrow — mechanics,  drop 
the  hammer,  the  saw,  and  the  plane — miners, 
put  aside  tin;  cradle,  the  pick,  pan  and  shovel — 
merchants,  lay  up  the  ledger  and  the  cash  book 
for  one  day  only,  and  let  us  here  in  California, 
in  November  next,  teach  these  lordliness  a  les 
son.  Your  fathers  and  mine,  in  the  days  of  1776, 


did  more  than  this.  Through  seven  long  years 
they  toiled  to  teac!i  England's  Kin  r  and  Parlia 
ment  that  they  were  not  slaves,  but  freemen. 
Let's  rel  tike  these  haughty  leaders  1  L  ; 
deem  our  young  and  beautiful  State  Irom  the 
hands  of  those  who  vote  with  and  for  thus-  who 
despise  free  while  labor  !  Or  are  von  contented 
to  see  labor  made  ignoble,  dishonorable  '.' 
you  willing  to  follow  where  you  should  lead  ? 
— to  be  governed  where  you  should  rule  V  Or 
are  yon  ashamed  of  your  birth  place — of  your 
old  homes — of  your  'honorable  vocation  ;  and 
will  ye  meekly  and  humbly  submit,  and  elevate, 
those  who  think  you  slaves ". 

Again  :  pass  that  Republican  Railroad  meas 
ure,  aud  our  State,  like  a  giant,  would  rise  and 
shake  off  that  torpor  that  under  Democratic 
domination  has  settled  down  upon  her  :  a  new 
impetus  would  be  given  to  trade  and  manufac 
tures  ;  the  busy  hum  of  industry  would  every 
where  be  heard  5  commerce  revived  v/onld  spread 
her  great  white  wings  to  the  breeze,  and  San 
Francisco  become  the  great  commercial  empori 
um  of  the  western  world  ; — the  tide  of  emigra 
tion  would  like  a  mighty  column  pour  over  our 
Sierras,  debouch  upon  our  plains,  spread  out  from 
rivers'  sides  to  oceans'  barrier,  southward  to 
Gila's  waters,  and  northward  as  near  to  -  fifty- 
four  forty  "  as  the  boundary  of  this  our  empire 
extends.  Millions  upon  millions  of  capital  would 
here  seek  investment.  Atlantic  mails  would 
daily  arrive — troops  and  munitions  of  war  could 
be  transported  farther  in  days  than  uo\v  in 
months — herds  and  flocks  would  feed  where  now 
only  roam  the  grizzly  and  the  wolf — vineyards 
would  supplant  the  chapparel  and  mustard — 
wastes  become  gardens — temples  devoted  to  the 
arts  and  sciences  would  rise  where  now  stands 
the  Digger's  hovel— the  scream  of  the  locomo 
tive  would  pierce  the  ear  of  the  roaming  sav 
age,  break  the  solitude  of  the  desert,  wake  the 
eagle  in  his  eyrio,  speed  through  fields  of  waving 
grain,  daintily  walk  through  cities  and  villages, 
bringing  in  his  long  and  sometimes  crescent 
train  fathers,  mothers,  brothers,  sisters,  wives 
and  children,  to  make  glad  and  cheerful  the 
hearts  and  homes  of  the  lonely  pioneer.  Nei 
ther  Greece  or  Italy,  Spain  at  her  meridian, 
France  in  the  zenith  of  her  splendor,  or  Eng 
land  at  the  height  of  her  prosperity,  ever 
or  can  be  what  this  our  California  then  will  be 
come.  True,  they  h:.d  palaces  in  the  fore 
ground  ;  but  were  there  not  hovels  in  the  back 
ground? — But  every  dwelling  here  will  be  the 
home  of  a  sovereign. 

I  have  before  asked  what  Democracy  has  done 
for  California.  1  will  now  show  that  it  has  done 
other  wrongs  to  the  State.  Democracy  i.<  not 
only  responsible  for  the  defeat  of  a  daily  over 
land  niail.  the  defeat,  of  the  railroad  bill  and 
homestead  bill,  but  it  has  ruined  the  hopes  and 
blighted  the  prospects  of  thousands  upon  thou 
sands  of  our  citizens.  I 

Upon  the  acijni>ition  of  California,  the  Mexi-/ 
cans  who  held  property  here  under  theproviM'on.-- 
of  the  treaty  of  Gniidalnpn    Hidalgo,  were  to  b* 
protected  in  (he  enjoyment  and  possession  of  the 
same  as  fully  and  completely  as  though  thffe 


/ 


had  been  no  change  of  sovereignty.  Under  the 
Mexican  system,  land  was  granted  by  the  league 
to  citizens  of  that  Republic.  The  population 
being  sparse,  and  no  market  for  the  products  of 
the  soil,  as  well  from  inclination  as  necessity  the 
people  were  in  the  main  devoted  to  the  rearing 
.  of  flocks  arid  herds,  the  hides  and  tallow  of  which 
furnished  the  only  articles  of  export.  Land,  like 
everything  else,  was  cheap  in  every  section,  a 
league  being  worth  little  if  anything  more  than 
a  quarter  section  now. 

The  archives  of  the  former  Government  were 
in  the  possession  of  the  American  authorites,  in 
which  was  to  be  found  the  evidence  or  some  evi 
dence  at  least  of  nearly  every  valid  grant  that 
had  been  made  in  California.  Agents,  learned 
in  the  law,  were  appointed  to  proceed  to  Califor 
nia,  examine  the  archives,  and  report  to  the 
Government  the  quantity  of  land  and  to  whom 
granted.  These  gentlemen,  with  great  diligence 
and  fidelity,  performed  the  delicate  duty  assigned 
them,  and  made  full  and  able  reports,  and  though 
the  great  body  of  the  then  grants  were  clearly 
genuine  and  legal,  and  a  few  others  were  regard 
ed  as  doubtful,  yet  what  think  you  our  good 
Democrats  did?  You.  naturally  enquire,  did 
they  not  discriminate  between  the  two  classes  of 
grants,  confirm  by  act  of  Congress  those  which 
were  known  to  be  just  and  proper,  and  litigate 
the  others?  No,  instead  of  trying  to  purchase 
the  grants  of  the  claimants  so  as  to  make  all  the 
lands  in  the  State  public  and  open  them  up  to 
settlement,  instead  of  confirming  by  act  of  Con 
gress  all  those  grants  that  were  known  to  be  bona 
fide  and  genuine,  and  settling  titles  so  that  the 
seller  could  give  and  the  purchaser  receive  an 
indisputable'  title,  and  allowing  the  claimants 
under  grants  which  were  from  any  cause  consid 
ered  invalid  to  litigate  them  only,  they  passed  a 
law  creating  a  Board  of  Land  Commissioners, 
and,  under  the  penalty  of  forfeiture,  made  it  oblig 
atory  upon  all  who  claimed  under  Mexican 
grants  to  present  and  prove  their  claims  before 
this  Board,  and  gave  the  United  States  the  right 
of  appeal  to  the  U.  S.  District  Court,  and  from 
thence  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
after  which,  if  the  same  should  be  confirmed, 
final  ^  survey  might  be  made  and  patent  issued. 
The  ingenuity  of  man  never  devised  a  more  mis 
chievous  and  effectual  plan  to  ruin  both  Califor- 
nians  and  Americans,  than  this  law.  Had  a  thun 
derbolt  fallen  among  the  old  Calitbrnians  it 
could  not  have  more  astonished  and  amazed 
them  ;  ignorant  of  our  laws  and  language,  they 
were  compelled  at  once  to  employ  counsel  to 
prevent  the  confiscation  of  their  estates  ;  this, 
though  interesting  to  the  legal  fraternity,  was 
far  from  palatable  to  the  Californians.  for  the 
process  usually  reduced  their ^  ranches,  some 
times  a  few  hundred  acres,  other  times  a  quarter 
or  a  third,  and  often  a  half,  by  way  of  a  fee  ; 
traveling  expenses  from  distant  parts  of  the 
State  to  San  Francisco  and  back,  the  expense  of 
conveying  witnesses  and  keeping  them  whilst 
waiting  the  law's  delay,  soon  materially  reduced 
their  herds  of  cattle  ai  d  menadas  of  horses,  and 
finally,  came  confirmation  or  rejection,  and  which, 
mattered  not,  as  they  were  compelled  again  to 


employ  counsel  in  the  U.  S.  District  Court,  for 
the  United  States  appealed  every  case  confirmed  by  the 
Board.  This,  of  course,  involved  new  expense 
and  trouble,  and  required  either  money  or  more 
land.  After  passing  the  ordeal  of  that  Court, 
they  were  often  compelled  the  third  time  to  em 
ploy  counsel  to  see  their  cases  safely  through  the 
Supreme  Court.  If  finally  confirmed  there,  and 
he  had  money  enough  left  to  pay  the  U.  S.  Sur 
veyor  General  for  making  the  survey,  (this  was 
necessary  during  some  years,  because  a  Demo 
cratic  Congress  failed  to  make  the  necessary- 
appropriations,)  he  or  his  children  after  him 
might  hope  to  have  a  glimpse  of  a  patent  written 
upon  parchment  with  the  great  seal  attached, 
which  would  doubtless  excite  some  curiosity  and 
wonder,  but,  practically,  could  be  of  little  other 
use.for  the  lands  therein  so  particularly  described 
had  long  since  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  spec 
ulator.  How  many,  oh,  how  many  of  these  grayg 
haired  Californians  who  had  lived  independently 
all  their  days,  are  now  homeless,  landless,  house 
less — strangers  in  the  land  of  their  nativity — 
their  fortunes  spent,  not  in  procuring  for  them 
selves  and  families  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of 
life,  but  wasted  in  litigation  caused  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party — that  party  which  these  old  Califor 
nians  have  been  taught  to  respect  and  vote  for. 
Whilst  this  policy  has  proved  so  utterly  disas 
trous  to  the  California  portion  of  the  community, 
it  has  not  been  less  baneful  to  the  American  por 
tion.  Americans  coming  here  saw  large  tracts 
of  land  unfenced,  and,  apparently,  unoccupied, 
and,  hoping  that  the  lands  were  public,  made 
haste  to  make  their  locations.  Californians  see 
ing  intruders  on  their  lands,  warned  them  off, 
but  they  having  located,  and  knowing  the  action 
of  our  Democratic  Congress,  and  thinking  that 
all  or  nearly  all  of  the  grants  were  or  mi^ht  be 
invalid,  would  neither  move  or  buy.  But  the 
claim  of  ownership,  in  most  cases,  deterred  them 
from  making  valuable  improvements,  for  not  a 
fruit  or  ornamental  tree  would  they  plant  in  the 
ground,  not  a  fence  or  a  house  could  they  * 
but  what  the  thought  would  unbidden  come,  "I 
may  lose  my  improvements  and  labor/'  and,  in 
hundreds  of  instances,  their  houses  were  but  huts 
and  their  fences  but  apologies.  Thousands  have 
spent  years  of  time  in  constant  dread  and  doubt, 
not  daring  to  buy,  fearing  to  improve,  and 
spending  their  earnings  in  protracted  and  costly 
litigation.  Bitterness  of  feeling  was  sometimes 
engendered  between  the  contending  parties, 
wrongs  were  committed,  sometimes  crimes  and 
bloodshed,. and  innocent  wives  and  children  have 
sometimes  suffered  by  incarceration  of  their  na 
tural  protectors  in  prison  for  deeds  of  violence 
committed  in  the  settlement  of  land  titles,  whilst 
others,  unpunished  by  the  law,  have  a  dead  man 
on  their  souls,  destroying  their  peace  and  making 
life  a  hell.  Where  the  claims  are  rejected,  the  set 
tler  may  then  obtain  his  quarter  section  at  Gov 
ernment  price,  but  even  then,  counting  the  time 
and  money  spent,  the  vexations  of  litigation. 
and  the  postponing  of  his  improvements,  it  will 
be  in  many  cases  dear.  But  if  the  claim  is 
finally  confirmed,  as  ninety-nine  out  of  every 
hundred  have  been  which  had  an  expedients  of 


the  same  in  the  archives,  then  he  must  either  buy 
or  lea vi' :  !>ut  to  buy  now  he  must  pay  live,  ten, 
twenty,  fifty,  and  sometimes  a  hundred  times  as 
much  as  he  would  have  been  compelled  to  pay 
had  the  title  been  settled  when  he  first  went  up 
on  it.  This  difference  in  cost  is  a  part,  though 
small  portion,  of  the  benefits  of  Democratic  rule. 
But  these  are  not  a  tithe  of  the  evils  of  this  pol 
icy.  A  few  (and  I  am  happy  to  say  they  are 
few)  of  the  old  Californiaus,  seeing  that  all 
claims  were  subjected  to  the  same  trials  and  de 
lay,  felt  that  to  retaliate  on  the  Government 
would  not  be  amiss,  so  uniting  themselves  with 
a  few  unprincipled  adventurers,  they  undertook 
to  palm  off  fraudulent  grants  upon  the  Board ; 
these  grants,  though  not  very  numerous,  made 
up  in  the  quantity  of  land  claimed  what  they 
lacked  in  numbers.  The  effect  of  these  frauds 
was  to  throw  a  cloud  over  nearly  all  the  richest 
agricultural  lands  in  the 'State,  which,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  course,  retarded  the  natural  growth  of  the 
whole  State.  Some  of  these  frauds  being  detect 
ed,  induced  the  belief  in  the  minds  of  some,  yes, 
thousands  who  were  uninformed  on  the  subject, 
that  all  or  nearly  all  the  grants  in  the  State  were 
bad  ;  hence,  naturally,  settlers  made  little  if  any 
discrimination  in  making  locations.  Other  fraud 
ulent  grants  being  confirmed,  caused  others  to 
think  that  they  might  as  well  purchase  one  as 
another,  and  they  were  induced  to  pay  large  sums 
of  money  for  titles  worse  than  worthless.  The 
title  to  a  few  millions  of  acres  has  been  settled, 
but  the  cloud  of  uncertainty,  like  a  pall,  hangs 
over  millions  upon  millions  of  acres  of  the  best 
land  in  the  State,  the  terror  of  both  claimant? 
and  settlers,  and  a  nuisance  to  the  people  and 
State,  the  end  of  which  will  probably  come  about 
the  time  that  the  heavens  are  to  be  rolled  to 
gether  like  a  scroll.  But  this  is  not  all :  the  De 
mocracy  have  again  hoisted  the  flood-gates  of 
litigation,  which  bids  fair  to  very  nearly  if  not 
quite  to  equal  that  which  has  preceded.  Instead 
of  allowinsr  the  U.  S.  Surveyor  General  to  go 
upon  the  ground  and  there  determine  conflicts  as 
to  boundaries,  and  there  fix  the  lines,  and  then 
allow  the  contestants  to  settle  their  disputes  in 
a  cheap,  easy  and  speedy  way,  in  the  county 
where  the  land  lies,  in  the  courts  of  the  State, 
the  last  Congress  passed  a  law  requiring  the  sur 
veys  to  be  returned  into  the  TJ.  S.  District  Court, 
where  a  trial  de  novo  as  to  boundaries  may  be  had 
which  may  take  years  longer  to  determine,  and, 
when  finally  ended,  is  not  after  all  a  finality,  but 
may  be  again  contested  in  the  State  courts. 

I  charge  then  upon  the  Democratic  party  that 
they  have  disturbed  the  peace  and  retarded  the 
growth  of  this  country,  have  fostered  litigation, 
distracted  land  titles,  have  caused  frauds  and 
perjuries,  bloodshed  and  violence,  have  caused 
American  citizens  to  buy  and  pay  for  worthless 
titles,  and  others  to  settle  upon  and  contest  bona 
fide  titles,  made  them  lose  the  labor  of  years  and 
pay  out  their  money  in  fruitless  litiiration,  and 
finally,  have  plundered  and  confiscated  the  es 
tates  of  old  Californians,  made  them  expend  th'-ir 
all  in  contesting  the  law-suits  that  they  have 
thrust  upon  them,  made  many  of  them  houseless 
and  homeless,  reduced  them  to  want  and  poverty, 


that  they  have  wounded  hearts,  broken  up  fami 
lies,  and  violated  the  solemn  obligations  of 
treaties.  I  charge  the  present  administration, 
through  Attorney  General  BLACK,  with  the  pub 
lication  of  untruths  concerning  California  and 
land  grants,  in  order  to  make  political  capital, 
and  account  for  the  disbursement  of  SI 00. 000 
which  he  didn't  spent  in  California.  These,  my 
friends,  are  some  of  the  wrongs  that  California 
has  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Democracy.  Are 
not  these  truths,  old  Californians?  Do  you  not 
feel  them  away  down  in  your  inmost  souls? 
Americans,  do  you  not  knmv  they  are  PO  ?  have 
you  not  felt,  suffered,  and  paid  enough  on  ac 
count  of  Democracy  ?  If  so,  remember  the  bal 
lot-box  and  the  remedy ! 

1  Our  opponents  have  so  much  to  say  of  slavery 
and  taking  negroes  into  the  Territories,  that  it 
is  scarcely  possible  to  avoid  alluding  to  the  sub 
ject.  All  agree  that  Congress  has  no  power  over 
slavery  in  the  States.  The  Breckinridge  party 
insist  that  the  owners  of  slaves  have  the  right  to 
take  them  into  any  of  the  Territories,  and  that 
neither  Congress  or  the  people  of  the  Territory 
can  prohibit  it.  The  Douglas  party  claim  that 
the  will  of  the  people  of  the  several  Territories 
is  supreme  unless  the  Courts  decide  otherwise, 
in  which  event  that  every  department  of  the 
Government  should  protect  the  rights  so  deter 
mined. 

The  Bell  party  have  staked  off  a  claim  upon 
the  Constitution,  and  as  the  lead  is  rather  blind 
and  not  well  defined,  and.  from  a  little  prospect 
ing,  seems  inclined  on  the  North  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  to  run  one  way,  and  South  of  it  to 
run  another  •  they  insist  on  the  priority  of  loca 
tion  and  possession,  and  aver  the  right  to  follow 
it  and  hold  it,  with  all  its  dips,  angles  and  spurs, 
though  it  lead  heavenward  or  the  reverse. 

The  Republican  party  insist  that  the  normal 
condition  of  the  Territories  is  that  of  freedom  ; 
that  slavery  is  local,  not  national ;  and  that  Con 
gress  has  full  power,  and  that  it  is  a  duty  which 
that  body  owes  to  free  white  men  to  prohibit 
slavery  therein  so  long  as  it  remains  a  Territory. 
The  three  first  named  parties  most  cordially 
unite  in  abusing  the  Republicans,  and  charge 
that  it  is  a  sectional  party,  being  confined  to  the 
free  States.  One  word  on  this  point.  We  may 
be  extremely  unfortunate,  but.  nevertheless,  we 
have  been  led  to  believe  that  under  our  Consti 
tution  there  are  o,fcw  other  rights  besides  that  of 
owning  niggers.  In  the  days  of  our  childhood 
we  were  taught,  and  the  reading  of  manhood  has 
confirmed  those  teachings,  that  under  that  instru 
ment  the  citizens  of  the  several  States  have  the 
right  to  go  wherever  they  please  in  this  Union, 
that  they  may  engage  in  any  kind  of  lawful  bus 
iness,  may  freely  express  their  sentiments  upon 
any  and  all  subjects,  may  edit  and  publish  news 
papers,  religious  or  political,  may  receive  news 
papers  through  the  public  mails,  may  buy,  sell, 
and  read  books  not  immoral,  work  and  vote  for 
whatever  candidate  they  please,  and  shall  be  se 
cure  in  their  persons  and  property.  I  regret  that 
these  rights,  in  some  of  the  Southern  States  of 
this  Union,  exist  in  the  imagination  only.  In 
Carolina,  an  Irishman  who  expressed  an  opinion 


derogatory  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  was 
whipped  and  tarred  and  feathered.  In  Virginia 
a  few  Republicans  raised  a  Lincoln  and  Hamlin 
pole  and  hoisted  the  flag  of  their  party,  and  the 
aristocratic  democracy  looking  upon  these  labor 
ing  Republicans  as  white  slaves,  with  force  and 
violence  cut  it  down.  In  Maryland  a  few  simi 
lar  poles  are  raised,  and  the  aristocracy  are 
greatly  exercised,  and  threaten  to  give  them  a 
Virginia  dose.  In  Texas,  Gerftans  who  favor  the 
rights  of  white  men  and  talk  of  the  wrongs  of 
black  men,  are  expelled  the  State.  Throughout 
the  entire  South  the  mails  are  liable  to  examina 
tion,  and  if  N.  Y.  Tribunes  are  found,  they  are 
burned.  Scarcely  anywhere  in  the  South  can  a 
man  express  and  avow  Republican  doctrines  with 
safety  to  life  and  limb.  The  Legislature  of  Tex 
as  during  the  last  winter  passed  a  law  of  which 
the  following  is  an  extract  : 

"ART.  653.  A.  Any  free  person iwho  shall  publicly 
maintain  that  masters  have  no  right  of  property  in 
their  slaves,  either  by  speaking,  writing,  or  print 
ing,  shall  be  punished  by  confinement  in  the  Peni 
tentiary  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  four  years. 

"ART.  653.  B.  Any  free  person  who  shall  private 
ly  or  otherwise  than  publicly  maintain  that  masters 
have  no  right  of  property  in  their  slaves,  with  pur 
pose  to  bring  the  institution  of  slavery  into  disre 
pute  in  the  mind  of  any  free  inhabitant  of  this 
State,  or  of  any  resident  for  the  time  being  therein, 
shall  be  punished  by  confinement  in  the  Peniten 
tiary  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  five  years." 

What  a  commentary  on  free  institutions  and 
a  free  government  is  this  !  Imprisoned  in  the 
penitentiary  not  less  than  two  years,  and  for 
what  ?  Once  things  were  not  thus. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  author  of  the  Declar 
ation  of  Independence,  in  the  original  draft  of 
that  instrument,  wrote  : 

"  HeJ[George  III.]  has  waged  cruel  war  against 
human,  nature  itself,  violating  its  most  sacred  rights 
of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant  peo 
ple,  who  never  offended  him,  captivating  and  car 
rying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere,  or 
to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation 
thither.  This  piratical  warfare,  the  opprobrium  of 
infidel  Powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian  King 
of  Great  Britain.  Determined  to  keep  a  market 
where  men  should  be  bought  and  sold,  he  has  at 
length  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing  any 
legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  and  restrain  this  ex 
ecrable  commerce." 

Washington,  the  father  of  his  country,  said 
"  his  vote  never  would  be  wasting  for  the  pas 
sage  of  a  law  to  abolish  slavery."  He  writes 
to  John  F.  Mercer  : 

"  I  never  mean,  unless  some  particular  circum 
stances  should  compel  me  to  it,  to  possess  another 
slave  by  purchase,  it  being  among  my  first  wishes 
to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which  slavery  in  this 
country  may  be  abolished  by  law." 

John  Randolph  says : 

"  I  give  to  my  slaves  their  freedom,  to  which  my 
conscience  tells  me  they  are  justly  entitled.  It  has 
a  long  time  been  a  matter  of  the  deepest  regret  to 
me,  that  the  circumstances  under  which  I  inherited 
them,  and  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  the 
laws  of  the  land,  have  prevented  my  emancipating 
them  in  my  lifetime,  which  it  is  my  full  intention  to 
do  in  case'l  can  accomplish  it." 


Patrick  Henry,  the  first  great  orator  of  the 
revolution,  whose  burning  words  thrilled  like 
an  electric  shock  through  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people,  said  : 

"  I  believe  a  time  will  come  when  an  opportunity 
will  be  offered  to  abolish  this  lamentable  evil.  Ev 
erything  we  can  do  is  to  improve  it,  if  it  happens 
in  our  day  ;  if  not,  let  us  transmit  to  our  descend 
ants,  together  with  our  slaves,  a  pity  for  their  un 
happy  lot,  and  an  abhorrence  for  slavery.  If  we 
cannot  reduce  this  wished-for  reformation  to  prac 
tice,  let  us  treat  the  unhappy  victims  with  lenity. 
It  is  the  furthest  advance  we  can  make  toward  jus 
tice.  It  is  a  debt  we  owe  to  the  purity  of  our  re 
ligion,  to  show  that  it  is  at  variance  with  that  law 
which  warrants  slavery." 

Again.     Mr.  Jefferson  declared,  in  17T4:' 

"  The  abolition  of  domestic  slavery  is  the  great 
est  object  of  desire  in  these  colonies,  where  it  was 
unhappily  introduced  in  their  infant  state." 

And  at  a  later  period  of  his  life,  as  the  re 
sult  of  more  mature  experience,  he  says  : 

"  Nothing  is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book 
of  fate,  than  that  these  people  [the  negroes]  are  to 
be  free  ;  nor  is  it  less  certain  that  the  two  races, 
equally  free,  cannot  live  in  the  same  government. 
Nature,  habit,  opinion,  have  drawn  indelible  lines 
of  distinction  between  them.  It  is  still  in  our  pow 
er  to  direct  the  process  of  emancipation  and  depor 
tation,  and  in  such  slow  degrees  as  that  the  evil 
will  wear  off  insensibly,  and  their  place  be,  part 
passu,  filled  up  by  free  white  laborers.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  left  to  force  itself  on,  human  nature 
must  shudder  at  the  prospect  held  up."  JMflcilOJ 

These  revolutionary  heroes — this  founder  of 
Democracy — the  idol  of  the  people  of  these 
States  down  to  the  last  decade — this  old-fash 
ioned  Republican,  Thomas  Jefferson,  were  he 
and  Washington  and  Henry  and  Randolph  on  a 
visit  to  Texas  in  the  year  A.  D.  1860,  and  heard 
to  utter  these  old  sentiments,  they  would  be 
consigned  to  a  prison  and  confined  with  male 
factors  and  felons.  God  pity  the  people — God 
save  the  country.  Such  language,  yea,  much 
less  than  this,  now  these  aristocrats  say  is  in 
cendiary  and  exciting  to  the  slaves.  How  is 
this?  It  did  not  in  former  times  excite  them, 
and  why  should  it  now  ?  Is  it  not  their  con 
stant  boast  that  the  slaves  are  contented  and 
happy;  much  more  so,  indeed,  than  the  free 
laborers  of  the  North  ?  How  then  can  they  get 
excited  ?  No ;  'tis  not  an  insurrection  among 
the  slaves  that  they  fear,  but  one  among  the 
voters — the  poor — the  laboring  white  men  in 
their  midst — an  insurrection  at  the  ballot-box, 
which  might  overturn  and  destroy  this  lordly 
aristocracy  which  has  planted  its  iron  heel,  if 
possible,  more  firmly  on  th'e  poor  white  man's 
neck  than  that  of  the  ebon  slave.  Let  the  la 
boring  white  men  of  the  South  understand 
that  it  is  not  abolition  or  slave  insurrection 
that  the  Republicans  want,  but  the  elevation 
of  our  own  race,  and  there  is  not  a  Southern 
State  that  would  not  soon  become  intensely 
Republican.  Who  is  to  blame  that  there  are 
few  Republicans  in  the  South  ?  Certainly  not 
Republicans,  but  rather  the  violence  of  the 
aristocratic  Democracy. 


6 


The  great  body  of  the  people  are  honest, 
though  often  deceived  by  the  wiles  of  the  dem 
agogue;  but  their  impulses  are  right,  and  the 
"  second  sober  thought  "  rarely  fails  to  rectify 
error.  That  thought  is  now  upon,  among,  and 
moving  the  people  of  this  great  nation,  and 
when  November  conies  it  will  take  form  and 
voice — will  sweep  through  New  England,  cross 


the  Alleghenies.  speed  along  the  great  lakes, 
sweep  down  the  Ohio,  bound  over  the  father  of 
rivers,  skim  over  the  plains  of  Kansas,  pass  by 
the  Mormon  prophets,  mount  the  Sierra  N 
da,  come  thundering  down  California's  aixl  Or 
egon's  canons,  and  proclaim  to  a  listening 
world  that  we  are  yet  free. 


REPUBLICAN  STATE  CENTRAL  COMMITTEE. 

Office,  163  Clay  Street,  San  Francisco. 

B.  W.  HATHAWAY,  WM.  RABE,  F.  B.  FOLGER, 

GILBERT  A.  GRANT,        HENRY  BAKER,        JOHN   SATTERLEE 
JOHN  T.  McLEAN,  JACOB  SHEW,  AUSTIN  SPERRY. 

B.  W.  HATHAWAY,  Chairman. 
F.  B.  FOLGER,   Treasurer. 

WILLIAM  RABE,   Secretary. 

The  Committee  request  full  returns  of  Clubs  to  be  sent  to  their  office. 


Campaign  Document  No.  11. 


POLITICAL  PEOSPECTS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 


The  entire  vote  of  this  State  in  1856  was*  110,- 
221.  We  do  not  anticipate  that  it  will  be  mate 
rially  increased  this  year.  Owing  to  the  distracted, 
state  of  the  Democratic  party,  it  is  probable  that 
many  will  nof  vote  at  all,  and  hence  it  is  reason- 
able'to  conclude  that  the  vote  of  the  State  will 
not  exceed  in  round  numbers  110,000.  We  be 
lieve  that  any  candidate  who  shall  get  38,000 
out  of  this  110,000  votes  will  carry  the  State 
After  deducting  some  10,000  votes  from  the  sum 
total,  which  the  foolish  old  gentlemen  intend  to 
throw  away  on  Bell  and  Everett,  there  will  be 
100,000  votes  to  divide  up  among  Lincoln,  Breck- 
inridge  and  Douglas  ;  33,333  would  be  an  equal 
division.  If  Lincoln  can  carry  38,000,  we  believe 
the  remainder  will  be  so  equally  balanced  be 
tween  Douglas  and  Breckinridge  that  the  State 
will  be  safe  enough  for  honest  Abraham.  That 
Breckinridgo  will  lead  Douglas  largely  we  do  not 
question,  but  after  deducting  the  38,000  votes 
for  Lincoln,  and  10,000  for  Bell,  it  will  leave  but 
62,000  for  the  other  two.  Supposing  that  Breck- 
inridge  gets  36.000  of  these,  it  leaves  but  21,000 
for  Douglas,  which  will  be  full  as  many  as  he 
can  get. 

But  Lincoln's  vote  will  not  be  limited  to  38,000. 
In  1856  Fremont  got  20,691  votes.  This  vote 
will  unquestionably  be  doubled  for  Lincoln  this 
year.  In  this  city  it  may  not  be  thought  it  will 
be  largely  increased.  The  vote  for  Buchanan  in 
San  Francisco  in  1856  was  5,332;  for  Fremont 
5,089 ;  being  a  plurality  of  243  for  Buchanan.  Lin 
coin  will  this  year  have  at  least  3,000  majority 
There  are  at  least  1,500  of  the  old  friends  o 
Broderick  who  will  vote  for  Lincoln,  who  never 
before  voted  the  Republican  ticket.  This  alone 
would  make  a  change  of  3,000  in  the  result.  But 
there  arc  a  great  many  others  who  were  noi 
Broderick  men  that  have  never  yet  been  Repub 
licans,  who  will  vote  for  Lincoln,  so  that  we  are 
clearly  within  bounds  when  we  put  Lincoln's 
plurality  in  this  city  at  3,000. 

In  Sacramento  the  change  will  be  still  greate: 


n  proportion  to  the  vote.  There  Fremont  got 
ut  941  votes.  This  year  Lincoln's  vote  will 
loubtless  exceed  two  thousand.  .In  fact  we  are 
ssurecl  that  in  every  county  where  any  effort 
las  been  made  to  ascertain  what  the  Republican 

e  will  probably  be,  (excepting  only  San  Fran 
cisco,)  the  Republican  vote  will  be  doubled.  In 
act  we  do  not  see,  if  there  is  any  reliance  to  be 
)laced  on  statements  that  come  to  us  well  authen- 
/icated,  how  that  Lincoln's  vote  throughout  the 
State  can  fall  short  of  double  that  which  Fremont 
received.  This  would  give  him  41,382,  and  that 
s  the  least  vote  that  Lincoln  will  receive.  In 
many  -  of  the  smaller  counties  his  vote  will  be 
ten  times  that  received  by  Fremont  in  1856,  and 
n  fact  there  is  no  earthly  power  that  can  pre 
vent  his  carrying  the  State. 

But,  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  we  have 
prepared  the  following  table  of  votes  thrown  ha 
1856  for  Buchanan,  FUlmore  and  Fremont.  Op 
posite  the  name  and  vote  of  each  county  we  have 
left  a  blank  space  to  be  filled  in  by  the  residents 
of  different  counties  of  the  estimated  votes  that 
will  be  cast  this  year.  Now  if  our  friends  in  the 
different  counties  will  take  the  pains  to  inform 
themselves  by  means  of  the  various-  club  rolls, 
and  all  other  available  means,  what  will  be  the 
probable  vote  this  year,  and  send  the  table  filled 
out  with  their  estimated  results  to  the  State 
Central  Committee,  they  will  be  able  in  the 
course  of  two  or  three  weeks  to  tell  just  about 
how  the  State  will  go ;  and  also,  if  they  find  that 
any  district  or  State  will  not  do  so  well  as  anti 
cipated,  to  send  in  the  documents  and  speakers 
to  arouse  them  and  bring  out  the  full  Republican 
strength. 

We  beg  to  assure  our  friends  in  the  interior 
that  it  is  of  very  great  importance  that  they  at 
tend  to  the  filling  out  of  those  tables.  Ascertain 
your  strength  in  your  own  counties,  and  let  us 
know  how  many  votes  you  will  throw  for  Lin 
coln  and  Hamlin.  Send  your  estimated  returns 
to  the  State  Central  Committee,  and  then  the 
way  is  easy  and  the  work  open  before  us. 


[8] 


PRESIIM-:NTIAL  VOTE  IN  1856. 

PRESIDENTIAL  VOTF  IN  1860. 

riKs. 

HucliiUiau 

Fillmoro 

Fremont 

Lincoln 

Douglas 

Breck'ge 

BelL 

Linc'ln  gain 

729 
It  84 

2501 
3616 

289 
487 
4048 
218 
204 
832 
721 
350 
1254 
249 
267 
444 
3500 
2808 
1124 
3438 
314 
173 
5332 
282 
1285 
83 
'176 
576 
320 
1537 
2506 
2073 
799 
1515 
436 
491 
436 
1011 
248 
2936 
553 
2451 

•2  1  :; 
1557 
1702 
1504 
305 
288 
2956 
123 
191 
440 
135 
82 
772 
124 
169 
341 
2238 
2096 
865 
3386 
7 
38 
1598  • 
113 
1040 
15 
10 
673 
288 
1083 
2205 
1791 
634 
498 
228 
347 
311 
882 
139 
2112 
583 
2081 

723 

657 

744 
562 
18 
188 
1391 
1 
103 
82 
521 
151 
165 
14 
220 
157 
1462 
992 
217 
941 
93 
18 
5089 
238 
548 
107 
183 
809 
196 
169    . 
693 
464 
189 
382 
21 
92 
44 
188 
23 
1056 
130 
650 

i 

^.ma-dor 

Butte      

Calaveras  

.' 

Contra  Costa  

Kl   Dorado  

Frezno 

llumboldt       

Los  Angeles 

Marin     .        .        .... 

Mariposa 

MLTCIKI                 

Js'apa 

Jsfvada              

Placer  

Plumas 

Sacramento     

San   Bernardino  

San  Die^o 

San  Francisco     

San  "Nlateo        

San  Joaquin 

San  Luis  Obispo 

Santa  Barbara   

Santa  Clara  

S'int'lCruz 

Shasta  

Sierra                   

Solano  

Sonoma  &  Mendocino.  . 

Tehama                

Trinity                  

Yolo  

Yuba  

TCnfViinan                                                                                            53,365 

Fillmore                                                                36,165 

Fremont..                                            20>691 

Total..  no>221 


